mercoledì 28 gennaio 2015

ACCORDO DI AZIONE COMUNE PER LA DEMOCRAZIA PARITARIA

L’Assemblea del Senato  ha proseguito l’esame del ddl n. 1385 e connesso, recante disposizioni in materia di elezione della Camera dei deputate e ha adottato lunedi 26 . gennaio l’emendamento 1.7001/166 a firma delle senatrici di tutti i gruppi (testo originario a prima firma Fedeli, Cirinnà) proposto dalla Presidente Finocchiaro sulla rappresentanza di genere, che prevede innanzitutto la doppia preferenza di genere, ma anche la percentuale minima del quaranta per cento del sesso meno rappresentato nelle capolisture in ciascuna delle venti circoscrizioni (che raggruppano i cento collegi).
Si tratta, come ha dichiarato la senatrice Monica Cirinnà, di “un grande passo avanti per il quale, in tante e in modo trasversale, ci siamo impegnate da tempo”.
L'ACCORDO di AZIONE COMUNE apprezza il risultato ottenuto ed esprime plauso per l'azione svolta dalle senatrici.
L'Accordo osserva tuttavia che, purtroppo, si rimane ancora dentro la logica delle cosidette “quote” e si rammarica che non si sia ancora riuscite a inserire nella legge un vero principio di parità di genere: il 50% per cento di ciascun genere nelle candidature e nelle capolisture. Sollecita che il criterio di riequilibrio della presenza paritaria dei due sessi venga esplicitamente previsto anche  nell’assegnazione dell’eventuale premio di maggioranza.

 L'Accordo rinnova inoltre la richiesta che si ponga mano alla attuazione dell'articolo  49  della Costituzione


Roma – 27 gennaio 2015






info e contatti:

martedì 27 gennaio 2015

Giornata Internazionale di Preghiera e Riflessione Contro la Tratta di Persone

Riceviamo da Suor Eugenia Bonetti, Presidente dell'Associazione "Slaves No More", il volantino della fiaccolata e veglia, che si svolgerà il 6 febbraio 2015, in occasione della Giornata Internazionale di Preghiera e Riflessione Contro la Tratta di Persone.



lunedì 26 gennaio 2015

European Women's Voice

European Women's Voice: Women's Economic Independence in Times of Austerity

La pubblicazione annuale della EWL ha come tema di questo 2015: l'"indipendenza economica delle donne nel periodo di Austerità". Ricercatori, membri ed amici della Lobby ci offrono uno sguardo di come le misure di austerità abbiano impattato ed impattino sull'indipendenza economica delle donne e su quali siano gli eventuali modelli economici  alternativi in grado di rafforzarla.
#WomensVoice #PlayTheGame

http://issuu.com/europeanwomenslobby3/docs/lef_womeneconomicindependance_web_p/1

martedì 20 gennaio 2015

THE NETHERLANDS – STUDY IN AMSTERDAM ON CLIENTS OF PROSTITUTES & ROLE IN REPORTING ABUSE




Report Is in the Dutch Language - BUT a SUMMARY Is Provided in English – See Below.

Why conduct a study concerning the clients of prostitutes?
Clients can perform an important whistleblowing role in the fight against abuse in the Amsterdam prostitution branch. With a view to potential interventions geared towards clients, the Municipality of Amsterdam is hoping to gain more insight into the client population. The Amsterdam Prostitution Programme has therefore commissioned the Public Health Service Amsterdam (GGD Amsterdam) to perform a study into the clients of prostitutes in the licensed sector in Amsterdam. The study paints a picture of men who were clients of Amsterdam prostitutes working in window prostitution /clubs /escort agencies in 2013-2014. The study’s key sources of information were prostitutes and clients. A total of 986 clients and 195 prostitutes completed surveys.
Interviews were also conducted with 11 clients and 11 prostitutes. 

How many clients are there in Amsterdam?
The licensed sector in Amsterdam consists of window brothels, clubs and escort agencies. An estimate of the number of clients has been made for these three sectors. Window prostitution in Amsterdam receives between 2,000 and 3,100 clients on a daily basis. The number of unique clients per year is estimated in the range of 117,000 to 182,000. The number of clients who visit escort agencies and clubs is significantly lower: 14,000 to 22,000 for escort agencies and 22,000 to 35,000 for clubs. The total size of the licensed sector in Amsterdam can be estimated at roughly 195,000 unique clients per year (between 150,000 and 240,000 clients).

What kind of men pay for sex?
Amsterdam prostitutes in the licensed sector have a highly diverse clientèle with respect to age, ethnic origin, language, residence, education, relationship status and frequency of visits. Fewer than a third of the clients live in Amsterdam; the rest live in other parts of the Netherlands or abroad. The majority of the clients have paid employment. Over half of the clients are single, while 2 out of 5 clients report being in a relationship at the time of their prostitution visit.

Most clients report sexual curiosity as the primary reason behind their first visit to a prostitute. As curiosity
decreases, other reasons for visiting prostitutes begin to play a larger role:
Paid sex as the only possibility for being with a woman;
Paid sex as a replacement for a lacklustre sex life in a long-term relationship;
Need for sex and company due to advanced age or after the end of a long-term relationship;
The excitement of searching and selecting;
Escaping the monotony of daily life. See Chapter 3.

What are the facts and figures regarding prostitution visits in Amsterdam?
Clients visit prostitutes five to six times per year on average. Clients generally pay 50 euros for window
prostitutes and 110 and 150 euros for club and escort prostitutes, respectively. The frequency of the visits
depends not only on the clients’ financial situation, but also on their relationships, stage of life, varying need for paid sex and the developments in the Amsterdam prostitution sector.
Almost sixty per cent of the respondents have made use of the services of prostitutes for longer than 10 years.
Over two-thirds of the clients return on occasion to the same prostitute. These regular clients attach importance to (sexual) intimacy and certainty of the service

What kind of men pay for sex?
Amsterdam prostitutes in the licensed sector have a highly diverse clientèle with respect to age, ethnic origin, language, residence, education, relationship status and frequency of visits. Fewer than a third of the clients live in Amsterdam; the rest live in other parts of the Netherlands or abroad. The majority of the clients have paid employment. Over half of the clients are single, while 2 out of 5 clients report being in a relationship at the time of their prostitution visit. 
Most clients report sexual curiosity as the primary reason behind their first visit to a prostitute. As curiosity
decreases, other reasons for visiting prostitutes begin to play a larger role:
Paid sex as the only possibility for being with a woman;
Paid sex as a replacement for a lacklustre sex life in a long-term relationship;
Need for sex and company due to advanced age or after the end of a long-term relationship;
The excitement of searching and selecting;
Escaping the monotony of daily life. See Chapter 3.

What do clients think about abuse?
Most clients disapprove coercion and exploitation in the prostitution sector. Almost seventy per cent of the
clients feel responsible for abuse in the prostitution sector. In response to the question ‘Who is responsible for reporting abuse?’, almost three-fourths mention ‘the client’ as one of the responsible parties. Clients who feel responsible are less likely to visit window prostitutes (5% less). Responsible clients are more likely to be found among Club clients, foreign clients and clients over the age of 45. 
Over forty per cent of clients are willing to report abuse. The most frequently mentioned factors that discourage reporting are:

Lack of clear and reliable information about abuse;
Insufficient trust in one’s own judgment;
Stigmatisation by the government;
Distrust regarding how abuse will be dealt with.
Clients also mention factors that encourage reporting:
Guaranteed anonymity and safety;
Ease and accessibility of reporting;
Transparency regarding the process of handling reports.

Clients who score high on willingness to report are slightly less likely to visit window prostitutes (2% less) and are more likely to visit clubs (4% more).
 Regular clients and clients over the age of 45 are also more often willing tocontact the authorities if they were to observe abuse. 
However, only one out of five respondents indicates being able to recognise signs of abuse. See Chapter 4.


Type Description
1. The carefree client
Does not feel responsible for abuse, does not see a role for clients
Acknowledges that there is a difference between voluntary and forced prostitution. Acknowledges the
problem for a small portion of the market with respect to sex slavery and underaged girls, but does not
feel responsible.
Denies or trivialises the problem by:
blaming the prostitute by stating that a client is not responsible for her choices
comparing the responsibility of the prostitution client with the responsibility of clients in
other sectors, such as the clothing industry in low-wage countries
retaining an overly romantic/naive image of the Amsterdam prostitution branch
Does not take criteria of forced prostitution into account when selecting prostitutes. Does not feel guilty
about forced prostitution.

2. The denier
Feels responsible, but doesn’t see a role for himself (denial)
Like the carefree client, acknowledges the seriousness of the problem, but points to the prostitute and
her circumstances as the cause of the problem. Assumes responsibility, however, and tries to avoid
vulnerable women.
Feels guilty about forced prostitution in general, but denies his own role by:
saying that he is not able to distinguish between women who have voluntarily chosen to
become prostitutes and those who have been forced into prostitution
denying that he has had sex with forced prostitutes because abuse only occurs among
window prostitutes or Eastern European prostitutes
saying that it’s useless to take action because prostitutes quickly return to their pimp
anyway
being afraid of negative consequences for himself or the prostitute in question
saying that it is difficult for clients to recognise subtle signs, while clear signs can be easily
recognised by the police

3. The avoider
Feels responsible, sees his own role as staying away (avoidance)
Acknowledges that forced prostitution exists and feels partly responsible for the phenomenon. Feels
guilty about contributing to a system in which women become victims or employs strategies for
recognising women who have been forced into prostitution. Avoids forced prostitutes or stops visiting
prostitutes entirely. Doesn’t contact the authorities, doesn’t undertake action to help prostitutes,
doesn’t want anything to do with them (any more).

4. The rescuer
Feels responsible, sees his own role as personally ‘rescuing’ a prostitute
Acknowledges that forced prostitution exists and feels responsible for the prostitute in question. He
doesn’t see himself as guilty; rather, he points to human traffickers and pimps as the guilty parties.
Attempts to “rescue” a prostitute with money, lodging or advice, or by confronting her pimp/boyfriend.
Believes that he is very important to the prostitute in question.

5. The whistleblower
Feels responsible, sees his own role as notifying the authorities
Acknowledges that forced prostitution exists and feels responsible for the prostitute in question or partly
responsible for the phenomenon. Employs strategies for recognising women who have been forced into
prostitution. Avoids forced prostitutes. When he encounters clear signs of (very) severe abuse, he
contacts the authorities. Is well-informed regarding the state of affairs of the Amsterdam prostitution
branch as well as his rights/obligations as a whistleblowing client.

Based on the results of the client survey, clients have been divided into categories based on three dimensions: sense of responsibilityability to recognise (signs of) abuse and willingness to act. The scores on these three dimensions have been combined with the five client profiles and the estimated size of the client population. The table below provides a rough estimate of the size of the various client profiles.
GGD Amsterdam

Client profile Online survey score Sample percentage Estimated size

Carefree client Scores low/neutral on sense of responsibility 31.2% 60,000

Denier/ avoider/ rescuer Scores high on sense of responsibility but low on
willingness to act 31.6% 60,000

Potential whistleblower Scores high on sense of responsibility and willingness
to act, but low on ability to recognise 23.6% 45,000

Actual whistleblower Scores high on sense of responsibility, ability to
recognise and willingness to act 13.6% 26,000

There is thus a group of engaged and responsible clients who are willing to report cases of abuse, as long as
good, sufficient and appropriate reporting methods exist. If the current study’s sample were representative for the entire client population in Amsterdam, approximately 26,000 Dutch and foreign men are willing and able to play a whistleblowing role. There is also a group of circa 45,000 men who are willing to report abuse, but are not able to properly interpret signs of abuse. See Chapter 4.

What do prostitutes think about their clients?

Most prostitutes try to get as many regular clients as possible. They do so not only because a regular clientèle provides a regular income, but also because contact with regular clients is often pleasant. Prostitutes usually make appointments with their regular clients over the telephone. Prostitutes describe the majority of their clientele as ‘good clients’. Nevertheless, most prostitutes have also had experiences with unpleasant clients. In particular, these are clients who make a fuss about using a condom, clients who have used (too much) alcohol and/or drugs, clients who show little respect or who do not stick to agreements. Prostitutes would thus like it if clients were to be given ‘a little instruction’ about how they should interact with prostitutes.
Prostitutes have little trust in clients as whistleblowers of abuse. They can’t imagine that clients would actually, sincerely and for the right reasons be interested in the well-being of prostitutes. According to the prostitutes, the majority of their clients would not take any action if they were to observe signs of abuse because clients want to distance themselves from the problems of prostitutes and protect their own privacy. See Chapter 5

Conclusion: can the Municipality of Amsterdam rely on clients in dealing with abuse in the prostitution branch?

Yes, the untapped potential of clients to serve a whistleblowing role is modest, but present. The study shows that there are Dutch and foreign clients who are willing to report signs of abuse to institutions. This puts clients in a position as a party that can potentially play a role in fighting abuse in the Amsterdam prostitution branch. After all, clients generally describe themselves as concerned, responsible and willing to act. However, the study also contains outcomes that provide a more nuanced view of the potential of ‘the client as whistleblower’. For instance, clients harbour a deep-seeded distrust towards authorities who, according to them, are guilty of stigmatising clients as ‘abusers of vulnerable women’. Clients find that the Municipality of Amsterdam exaggerates the extent of the problem in order to back up a supposed anti-prostitution lobby. They therefore have little insight and trust regarding how Amsterdam is dealing with cases of abuse. Clients hold the police and municipality responsible for dealing with abuse and do not consider themselves allies in a common fight against abuse. Moreover, only one in five clients reports being capable of recognising signs of abuse. In addition, prostitutes describe their clientèle as much less responsible than the clients themselves describe. In fact, the prostitutes find that clients are capable, but not willing to report. According to them, clients are primarily occupied with their own pleasure and sexual arousal.